Before the Police Strike
By
There is a country on earth, her speech-loving politicians love to address it as "This our great nation". Across the cities, on the streets of this great nation one could see the two unregistered association of beggars. One regime draws its membership from the disabled, destitute, etc. They have no dress code. It would even appear that the dirtier, the better. They create no traffic clogs, but they pray for this, they cherish it. These beggars have no identity card, office, or membership list, or code of conduct. It is probably the only association in the world that exists without a structure.
The second association of beggars seems to belong to another generation, more advanced. They have offices. They have a well stratified organisational structure.
They wear uniforms, of a particular colour. The government of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, even pays them monthly salaries and, believe me, they even carry
guns. They are armed by the state. Some say they have a habit of creating traffic jams. This ensures access to donor-motorists. By the nature of their duties,
we notice that only members of the junior rank are mainly found on the streets.
Inspite of the contrasting picture of these two classes of 'beggars', they are united by a common ideology. But the latter group, because it is better organised
and armed, seems to have a great advantage. They earn more on the streets. Remember, they are in a position to beg with authority.
So far, so bad. My mind drifts. Enter another memory of February 1, 2002. These uniformed 'beggars' dared, in fact they did embark on a strike. They were
protesting poor service conditions. Their target was their employers. But great ripples and tremors did reach the streets. Inspite of extradoses, sometimes
over-doses of public relations, the action of these uniformed 'beggars' shook the Federal Government, and the police leadership. It placed these 'beggars' on
the national and international agenda. Their frustrations, deprivations, and problems have become more recitable and known than Nigeria's national anthem, and
pledge. Secondly, their withdrawal of service, for only a few days, woke a large portion of the public to the crucial and fundamental role of these uniformed
'beggars' in society. Writ large, in blossoming colours, it played the trick of bringing out a true image by inverting the image.
Teachers, oil and gas workers, doctors, go on strike, in this nation, for months. None has brought forth so much controversy as this. Cartons of words, tons of
energy have been spent in public debates on why these uniformed 'beggars' dared to go on a strike, inspite of their oath of allegiance and office. This is how
revolutions are betrayed, or lost. In this case, the dust of procedure (i.e. WHY) might becloud and lose the substance. WHAT is the problem of these uniformed
'beggars'? Some would have none of this at all. Why, they ask, should police officers go on strike? This cannot happen in a civilized country. They count
nations like the USA, Britain, France, Germany, etc. But is Nigeria a civilized country, at this stage in world history? I have warned, and would keep advicing
every Nigerian to beware of the Super Eagles syndrome. This is a serious affliction that is capable of turning the nation into one mass herd of complacent
cattle. Organising a band of entertainers to play fine soccer is being used to divert the attention of the masses from pressing and fundamental domestic
socio-economic and political issues.
Whilst Nigerians were watching their national team play an international match, at Surulere, Lagos, Ken Saro-Wiwa & Co. were being hanged by the ruling class in
Port Harcourt. Super Eagles cannot simply be translated to super power. The ruling class - they are using soccer and religion to do 'Ogboju' unto us.
So those nations being listed by most Nigerians as the proud owners of a police service that could never betray their honour and go on strike, in fact taught our
uniformed 'beggars' the art of going on strike.
120 years ago, British police officers started what this uniformed 'beggars' did in 2002. They were asking for a pay rise. 109 of these British officers were
dismissed, 65 were reduced in rank. No concession from government. So in 1890 they went on strike again. This time, they wanted a police union, in addition to
pay rise. No concession. For the third time, on August 30, 1918, 6,000 British police officers picketed, listing the same demands. No concession. For the fourth
time, in May, 1919, British policemen picketed again. The British Government was compelled to listen. It set up the Desborough Committee on the police. The
committee recommended the establishment of a police union. It also recommended a 23% pay increase - from œ1.10s to œ3.10s, a week. Government adopted both
recommendations. The police union, known as the British Police Federation, exists, till today. Probably inspired by the British example, on September 9, 1919
the Boston Police in the US went on strike. All the striking members were discussed from service. But ultimately, government listened. Today, police unions
exist across the 50 states of the US. There have been police strikes in India. In June, 1989, the police in Venezuela picketed over the dismissal of 10 police
officers.
But we are more interested here with the British model. They colonised us. They established our modern police system. They built police stations, barracks, gave
policemen guns, but conveniently forgot to introduce a police union for the Nigeria police. Yet, they had established one in Britain since 1919. I don't think
they actually forgot. The idea of a police union simply did not fit into colonial theory and philosophy. Even with the wise proviso that the police union - as
in Britain - would not be affiliated with National Labour. What we have is a police union, fulfilling all virtual roles, but without a right of strike since
this is against their oath of office, nor would they respond to a Nigerian Labour Congress call to strike. And even without that ritual of going on a national
tour, with attendant risk to life and limb, the Inspector-General of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, seated in his office at Abuja, would know, his noble eyes
see, his respected ears hear, the wails, the throes, the joys of the Inspector at Sokoto, the Sergeant in Maiduguri, the Corporal in Port Harcourt, the
Constable in Lagos. The theory of a police union certainly fits into the practice of sustainable democracy in a modern nation state. In addition to all the
usual functions of a union, it would be the calling of the local chapters to nominate delegates to attend the junior officer lunch, which the new IG has just
introduced. Such delegates would carry with them articulate mandates from their stations. Not ad-hoc nominees with mundane monologues such as complaining to the
IG: "Sir, I am married to 5 1/2 wives sharing one room in the barracks, or my salary cannot pay the school fees of my 25 children."
And so it came to be, that Nigeria continued to grow and develop, leaving her police service limping far behind. T he colonial administration wanted large men
with little brains to unquestioning enforce their imperialistic laws. The military, deliberately underdeveloped the police, for political reasons. Civilian
democratic regimes seem to fall in love with a police service only oriented to ensuring the rigging of elections, and equipped to sustain themselves in power.
Every rich fool in Nigeria remembers the police as mere hired escorts, even unto his wives and mistresses. No person, or authority has bothered to build a
Peoples Police.
After about 140 years of this tragi-comedy, the blisters of history were bound to erupt. Those 'beggars' in uniform began to feel like Theseus in Jeon Racine's
Phaedra looking at the establishment, the state, they curse, 'Not loud but deep'. "Ah! There he is great gods! That noble bearing/Might well deceive an eye less
fond than mine!/Why should the sacred stamp of virtue gleam/Upon the forehead of an impious wretch/Ought not the blackness of a traitor's heart/To show itself
by sure and certain signs?" This was the inevitable dialectical thesis as at February 1, 2002. The antithesis was the strike by the junior ranks of these
uniform-led 'beggars'. The synthesis is still unfolding. It began with the change of the police leadership. Then followed the mass pacification promotion
exercises. It did not benefit only the junior uniformed beggars, but senior members. Reversion to the eight hour duty-tour a day, with one day off duty. For
almost 20 years, the Nigeria police had flouted its own regulations, broken national and the International Labour Organisation charter of which Nigeria is a
signatory. They had worked men for 12 hours daily, with no lunch break, nor provision for rest nor overtime pay. This slave labour has sufficient ingredients of
crime against humanity. The new leadership has begun to dislodge the layers of seal and wax that had gathered over its ears for years. The police, for the first
time, has joined religion and soccer on the national agenda. But the damage to the police establishment is severe and extensive. The new police leadership could
not have repaired such criminal bondage of ages, in a few months. The happy thing is that the leadership has a marshal plan. Let it be known that the buck now
lies on the desk of the state to fund the plan.
And the IG - his confidence reminds me of Chief Onigbinde. I hear both men are from the same state, Osun. But unlike Chief Onigbinde who found himself sailing
over the Atlantic to Japan/Korea with a naked, premature, three month old baby, Mr. Tafa Balogun, though not a titled Chief, has a century old potential giant,
and an arsenal guided by honorable, praetorian traditions.
The unfolding historical synthesis we speak about affects not only the police leadership and the state. It also places a huge, moral challenge and professional
responsibility on those uniformed 'beggars' who initiated the dialectical process. When we label them uniformed 'beggars' they should not be moved to anger or
shame. If a great king allows his children to become destitutes and beggars on the streets, to whom would a greater portion of shame be given? For the synthesis
to fulfill itself positively and beautifully, the junior ranks must begin to immediately discard that ugly garb. They must transform from uniformed 'beggars' to
informed officers, imbued with a high sense of honour and dignity. Our millennium Peoples Police must begin to consider it an abomination to stop to collect
N20, or any money at all, from the unwashed left hand of an illiterate bus conductor.
The nature of their duties have given the police the most sacred material on earth. As a police officer, your raw materials are neither guns nor case files.
They are human beings, created by God. I have always said that each time a police officer hurts or assaults the dignity of an innocent citizen or exercises
brutality on him, he loses a portion of his own humanity. He must treat this sacred 'raw material' with priestly homage. The police is not just another job, it
is a way of life. Your ultimate loyalty is to the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, to the people. It is not to any particular political party,
ethnic or religious group. Where there is a conflict between religion, or tribe or politics and the people or constitution, you will walk over to the side of
the people and the law. This is the concept of the Peoples Police.
Police officers must not perpetually keep the mood recorded by Lucretius in 'On the Nature of Things', where "Th' avenging horror of a conscious mind/Whose
deadly fear anticipates the blow/And sees no end of punishment and woe;/But looks for more, at the last gasp of breath; This makes a hell on earth, and life a
death" or feel that "all the dismal tales that poets tell/Are verified on earth, and not in hell".
I am informed that certain sections of junior police officers are planning another strike. The commencement date has been fixed for August 10, 2002. Whoever is
planning this action must be very bad scholars of history. Or if they have the benefit of some education, could it be that they are allowing themselves to be
used by some anti-police scholars? A strike at this time is like reacting to the echo of one's voice, or shadow. It would be like pursuing a horizon. Even in a
regime that stands as condemned as Hitler's Third Reich, honour, allegiance, was expected of officers. After the botched last plot to overthrow Hitler on July
20, 1944, an army chaplain, Father llermann Wehrie, was executed after trial for treason. He did not carry a gun. What happened was that a friend, Major Ludwig
Von Leonrod, was directly involved. A few weeks prior, Major Leonrod had casually asked the chaplain if the church condoned tyrannicide. The innocent chaplain,
without even knowing details behind the question, replied in the negative. When this issue was mentioned during the trial, he was convicted for failing to
report the incident to the authority.
The strike action of February 1, 2002, by a large number of junior officers' has made its point. They even mustered a lot of public support. Any other strike
now would be against self, a self-inflicted wound. It would be an abysmal failure. Firstly, it would not enjoy the support of the bulk of the junior ranks
across the states of the federation. Secondly, they would begin to lose public sympathy. Thirdly, and above all, it would be a betrayal of a revolution. You do
not begin a revolution based on a synthesis. The dialectical flow of the revolution is still an unfolding synthesis. There is no new thesis upon which to stand,
to launch another strike. So, whoever plans such a parody is an enemy of the Peoples Police.
Infact, it is due to great pressure from many officers asking my opinion and stand on the issue, that made me do this article. It is addressed to all.
Based on all we have said above, any strike again would be a failure, a shameful betrayal, of the revolution for a People's Police.
Nov 2002