Beyond Atiku's confidence in Niger Delta
By
Vice-President Atiku Abubakar easily the heir apparent of the People's Democratic Party's (PDP) political dynasty, recently claimed that he was convinced beyond reasonable doubt that the victory of the ruling party in the Niger Delta- the South South zone was "permanently settled". Atiku who was speaking at a luncheon in his honour at Government House, Port Harcourt, said the success of the PDP in the Niger Delta was so sure that Rivers State is battling to produce the highest votes as it did in 1999.
"Immediately after the zonal presidential rally in Port Harcourt, I went to Edo and Delta states and saw that it was settled. The President (Olusegun Obasanjo) went to Akwa Ibom and said that it was settled. Bayelsa state is settled. And here in Rivers State, the settlement is exceptional," Atiku said.
Earlier, Governor Peter Odili, who lauded the Vice-President for the visit, also claimed that Atiku's campaign visit to the state had re-established that Rivers was "settled" for Obasanjo and Atiku re-election. There is no doubt that the PDP has covered some grounds in the country's democratic journey. But the problematic national question that has been rising and the seeming inequitable tendencies of the ruling circles appear to be beyond the narrow "settled" victory of the PDP.
Since May 29, 1999, the political economy and administration of the PDP, appear to be heavily influenced by the character and inner logic of western imperialism. The primary and principal aim of the PDP political administration as defined by the Obasanjo administration seem to be interested in securing unhindered exploitation of the economic benefits of resource-bearing regions for the commercial interests of the plundering group. Apart from the manifest exploitative character of the PDP rule which tends to contribute to the process of under-development in the Niger Delta, the political economy of the country appears to be constructed to engender strong socio-political distortions.
When Atiku spoke eloquently of the PDP victory being "settled" in the Niger Delta, the people tend to be reminded of the inglorious military dictatorships that helped to institutionalise the rampaging corruption by various acts of "settlement" and process of incorporation.
However, since the abortion of the rigid military dictatorship on May 29, 1999, some gains have been recorded by the iron-cast democracy of the PDP variety. They reluctantly yielded to pressure for the widening of the political space, collective bargaining is being recognised, there is freedom of speech and official rhetoric against corruption.
Vice-President Atiku, going by his theory f the "settled" PDP victory, does not seem to realise that the party's electoral victory is not the ultimate, but ensuring the sustainability of civil rule and the completion of the transition from civil rule to popular democracy. In the last two to three years, there have been sporadic outbreak of crises in the country that on several occasions led to confrontation between the state and ethnic groups. The state sometimes sees the ethnic nationalists as threat to the consolidation and sustainability of civil rule. On the other hand, the ethnic nationalists, particularly in the Niger Delta, see the state as represented by Obasanjo, as very slow in tangible development action and the PDP not keeping to their pre-elections promises.
The issue at stake as the PDP battles for re-election might not be their "settled" electoral victory, but the sustainability of democracy in the "geographical expression" known as Nigeria. The challenge therefore, for the ruling PDP, of which Atiku is one of the key elements, is that of accelerating democratic process in a visionary path that will be sustainable.
The surge of ethnic nationalism is a relatively new socio-historic phenomenon. It is concerned with how Nigeria could be a well-balanced state in which the political and other parts can function properly to ensure the best life for the citizenry. This current is potent in the on-going democratic struggle. The reality on the ground tends to show that ethnic nationalism is significant in entrenching democracy and its sustainability. That appears to be the import of the enduring political intercourse between the Afenifere and the PDP. But democracy goes beyond "settled" electoral victory, helping a kinsman in an opposing party to win re-election and having a military in a civilian garb in power. The well-informed are of the view that democracy is a process that does not abort overnight. They say it involves full and effective participation of the citizenry in determining policies and decisions, which affect their lives at all levels and at all times. Does it not also involve the responsiveness of the government to the needs and aspirations of the citizens?
What we seem to have in Nigeria today is a nascent democracy or rather civil rule that is supposed to transit and grow to maturity. The transition is presently at a very crucial state. Therefore, the response of the "settled" electoral victory seeking state, as symbolised by the Obasanjo-Atiku alliance, the ethnic nationalists Oodua People Congress (OPC), Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) and Ohanaeze Ndigbo as well as other micro-ethnic platforms and the political society to the inherent contradictions of the transiting democracy will determine whether it will further develop or decay.
Viewing the other way, Atiku's claim on the PDP's "settled" victory appears to run counter to some of the key features of a democratic reality the right of a people to choose who to govern them; the conferment of authority or legitimacy by the people on those so elected to rule and the possibility of withdrawing such a mandate among others. Within the context of this work, popular participation does not just mean "voting" at elections, but voting on the basis of political conviction rather than any form of "settled" coercion; the ability to call elected public functionaries like Obasanjo, Atiku, the governors, lawmakers to order, to render accounts; being willing and able to contest political offices among others. For instance, given the seeming welfarist appeal of the National Conscience Party (NCP), the electorate of the Niger Delta would, in an ideal situation prefer to vote for Chief Gani Fawehinmi, than Obasanjo, who seems to be flying the fling of the conservatives. In the same vein, the Democratic Alternative (DA) appears to be more unequivocal on the issue of resource ownership and control than the equivocal and right-wing All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP).
Unfortunately, militarism and monetarisation appear to have beclouded popular participation. That is why the PDP can boast of "settled" electoral victory. The PDP to some degrees reflects military and para-military presence in terms of parentage and political actors. The transition process that brought the party to power was dictated and prosecuted by the military. Like the maradonic Babangida regime, the Abdulsalami Abubakar regime knew those who would succeed them. And like in 1998/99, the huge financial outlay the current political process demands is a major disincentive for those who cannot respond to the cash-and-carry norm of the PDP.
And so, Atiku's theory on the PDP's "settled" victory could better be appreciated from the perspective of market forces. The principles of market forces within the context of Nigeria's quasi-democracy, is the determinant of who could participate at the level of contesting political offices. This implies that those who had the yearning and zeal to render public service to their people but had no Ghana-Must-Go (GMG), were edged out of the political recruitment process it seems an aspirant's location in the social structure, rather than his/her quality, integrity and the people's affirmation, was the main determinant.
Most of the politicians in reality, are only representatives of their geo-political locations, but not representatives of the popular masses and their interests. This explains why beyond their rhetoric, political accountability and transparency is zero. Even the PDP-controlled National Assembly has been manifesting traces of residual militarism.
"Settled" electoral victory, easily an euphemism for monetisation of politics, from all intent and purposes, is a fundamental drawback to the deepening of democratic culture and unfettered popular participation. The succour and relief that the peoples of the Niger Delta in particular, and the Nigerian people hoped for under democratic dispensation do not appear to be forthcoming even as the Obasanjo-Atiku alliance continues to pursue and implement the imperialist's anti-people economic and fiscal policies. For now, the anti-poverty war of the PDP government continues to be nothing but a political gimmick, hopelessly politicised, manipulated and turned into a political settlement device. Social problems are as intractable as unemployment continues to soar. Rather than be bored with the treatise of PDP's "settled" victory, Nigeria requires a progressive political agenda.
April 2003