Book Publication Announcement Beyond the Tripod in Nigerian Politics

Book Publication Announcement: Beyond the Tripod in Nigerian Politics

(Benin City, Nigeria Amfitop Books, 2001).

This is to announce the publication of a new book, Beyond the Tripod in Nigerian Politics, which is due to be released to the public in at a ceremony in Benin City Nigeria on June 20, 2002 at 10 am at the Oba Akenzua Centre.

From the program sent to me by the organizers of the occasion, the ceremony will be under the Royal Guardianship of His Majesty, the Omo N’Oba N’Edo UkuAkpolokpolo Oba Erediauwa. The Chairman of the occasion will be the Iyase of Benin, Chief Samuel Udinyiwe Igbe and the Chief Launcher will be the Chief Gabriel Osawaru Igbinedion, the Esama of Benin. The Special Guests will be Chief SD Lar, General TY Danjuma and other prominent "south-south" political leaders. The Chief Hosts will be the Governors of Edo State and Delta State, Chief Lucky Igbinedion and James Ibori respectively. According to the organizers of the occasion, representatives of all political persuasions in the country will have opportunity to bare their mind on the issues of minorities in the country.

THE BOOK IS ABOUT WHAT

The book is an account of my stewardship as the elected Member for Oredo (Benin City) in the Constituent Assembly in 1977/78 on behalf of the Nigerian ethnic minorities.

WHY RELEASING IT NOW

Now that there is a renewed call for the minorities in the north and in the south of Nigeria to work together as the Fourth Dimension in Nigerian Politics, the current political leaders of our people should know what we did in the past. Hence I authorized the release of the manuscript on the experiment in which I was involved in the past, which I withheld since 1983 for various reasons discussed in the book.

PAST EXPERIMENT IN DEFENSE OF THE MINORITY

Our experiment in the past tackled the two misleading conceptions of Nigerian plural society of three majority ethnic nationalities of Hausa/Fulani, Igbo and Yoruba on the one hand and of over 250 ethnic nationalities on the other.

In scholarship, I have argued that we should go beyond these two notions of Nigerian plural society. In partisan politics, I worked to prove it. As a policy maker, I sought to realize it through the two-party system, as that would afford the minority an opportunity to aspire to any heights in politics.

I have always felt that government in the hand of any of the three ethnic nationalities based political parties from our past would turn the minorities into mere objects of administration and would not promote justice to all groups.

I strongly believe that government in the hand of the ethnic minority-based political party not necessarily led by a minority person would be accommodative of all interests in Nigeria and ensure justice to all ethnic and religious groups in Nigeria.

CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY1977/78 AND EXPERIMENT

In furtherance of the above, we, the elected Members of the Constituent Assembly from the "Middle-Belt" and the "South-South" in 1977/78 decided to explore possibility of working together and thrash both conceptions of Nigerian plural society. It was our view then that these two conceptions of Nigerian plural society contributed in the past to the relative impotence of the minorities in the face of the omnipotence of the majorities in Nigerian politics. We took the Assembly by storm. We saw a loophole in the Assembly and we took advantage of it. The loophole was the absence of any agenda from the military or from any of the majority ethnic nationalities. This was how we proceeded to set the agenda for the Constituent Assembly.

HOW WE EVOLVED THE "POLITICAL AGENDA"

It started with the series of meetings that led to the formation of the political club (Club 19) to find a role for the minorities in the evolution of a new political order after the military rule.

It ended with a discussion and resolution of the issues around which the minorities in the north and in the south would cohere. This was what a colleague Chief Stephen Alete of Ikwerre-Etchie called the "shopping List". It was this "shopping list" that constituted the "Political Agenda" of the Fourth Dimension in our dealing with others in the Constituent Assembly.

The idea is not to go it alone. The idea is to work with anyone be he a Yoruba, Igbo or Hausa. But before getting involved, members of the minority caucus must first of all agree on its "shopping list".

The rule of the thumb for the political class today is simple.

Do not rush into a working relationship With the majority ethnic nationalities until You have worked out within your caucus What you want in the bargain.

IMPLEMENTATION OF THE "POLITICAL AGENDA"

In a nutshell the Political Club took the following steps discussed in the book.

It attracted others from the majority groups, especially from the Southeast (Igbo) in the Constituent Assembly to form an enlarged group on issues the Fourth Dimension had earlier agreed on in its caucus, such as the "Presidential System", the "Geographical Spread", on "Sharia", on "Revenue Allocation and Oil" and on "Creation of States".

The enlarged group built around the minority political club then constituted the Majority Voting Group in the Constituent Assembly with "Whips".

The Majority Voting Group successfully deleted the "Sharia" from the Federal Court System and voting against all measures by the northern members to do away with the Presidential System and finally used our enlarged group to ensure the passage of the "Presidential System of Government" and "Geographical Spread" in the Constitution. How these issues were resolved through "roll call vote" for three days in January 1978 is discussed in the book.

The irony of Nigerian politics was that those who voted against the key provisions of the Presidential System or wanted a return to the Westminster System produced the President in 1979. Was this not why the system did not last?

A brief on the notion of the "Geographical Spread" as it is beneficial to the minorities in the country should be noted. The Majority Voting Group ensured that the minority states in the north and in the south were critical to the election of the President. Hence in the election of the President, in addition to the majority votes, there should be a "Geographical Spread" of the votes under which a winner must secure a certain minimum of number of votes in 2/3 of the States of the federation.

This was the basis of using states instead of ethnic groups as the unit of representation. This was why we pushed for more states in the areas inhabited by minorities in the north and in the south, as that would assure the minorities parity with the majority ethnic nationalities in politics.

THE MINORITY CAUCUS ON POST-MILITARY ERA.

The Political Club within the Majority Voting Group realized that its achievements in the Constituent Assembly would be meaningless unless it converted itself into a Political Party to vie for the first election in 1979. This was the genesis of the Nigerian Peoples Party (NPP), which is the main subject of this book.

The book discusses the various stages in the formation of the political party, the Nigerian Peoples Party (NPP) and the crises the party passed through.

The book examines the fate of the minorities at each stage.

The book discusses why the minority lost its focus in the party that started as a minority-focused political party.

MY ROLE

I served as the Coordinator of the Political Club, Club 19. I later became the protem National Secretary of the Party. Why, when and how I left that position in December 1978 and went back to the University in January 1979 is discussed in the book.

The book discusses how I managed the political party through major crises:

The events leading to the fusion politics with Alhaji Waziri Ibrahim political association and others;

The events leading to the break-up with and exit of Alhaji Waziri Ibrahim;

The events leading to the entry of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe into the party;

The eventual emergence of Dr. Azikiwe as the presidential candidate of the new NPP; and

The change in the demographical configuration in the leadership, membership and focus of the party.

The book discusses how I ensured that in spite of the crises that we faced that we met the conditions for the party’s registration. It was so registered along with four others in December 1978. Despite all the crises that the political association faced I ensured that the new group retained the original name, NPP. How I did is discussed in the book.

THE "IGBO QUESTION IN NIGERIAN POLITICS" IS REAL

The greatest challenge that the party faced was how to reconcile the "Minority Question in Nigerian Politics" with the "Igbo Question in Nigerian Politics" with the coming of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe into the party. Some of the teething problems that arose are discussed in the book.

It was quite an experience to work with Dr. Azikiwe. What the minority caucus wanted and what the Igbo wanted constituted the unresolved issue throughout the existence of the party. It exposed me to many years of Nigerian politics. Most serious was the complex issue called the "Igbo Question in Nigerian Politics" that the party inherited and faced. What was the Igbo Question and how could it be resolved and by who? It was an issue before the Constituent Assembly and after and it is still there today.

My experience was that the Igbo leaders did not understand the nature of political problems they faced in Nigeria after the end of the Civil War. They did not know that the military did not prepare for the Igbo as a presidential candidate. How Dr. Azikiwe was given the impression or was made to believe that the military was expecting him was one of the issues that arose with his entry into the party.

My assessment was that the Igbo leaders faced the problem of "reentry into the political mainstream" after the Civil War as majority ethnic nationalities and in parity with the Hausa and Yoruba. But everything about the Igbo such as the number of states and lack of representation in the armed forces and low economic endowment during this period did not quite equip them to perform as a majority group in Nigerian politics. This is copiously discussed in the book.

It was quite an experience getting involved in the organization of Dr. Azikiwe’s press conference in December 1978 when he announced why he was getting into the "orbit of partisan politics" because "he never ruled this country for one day". My assessment of the sage of Nigerian politics as a politician and a candidate is discussed in the book.

How I wish the companion manuscript of the realignment of political forces sees the light of day soon. That would be an opportunity for me to bare my mind on the Zik-Awo distrust and how that was fatal to the goal of realignment between 1979 and 1983.

ADVICE TO PRESENT DAY POLITICIANS.

For those who are frustrated with the relative impotence of the minorities in all the political parties in Nigeria and desperately want to form a political party or influence the political platform of existing political parties, this is a book for you.

You need Vision beyond your narrow and small group and extending to all groups in the country.

You need not just Leadership but a leader not necessarily from the minority areas but one who would take the party to the election and sell the Vision to the country.

You need sure source of Funds to run a campaign.

You need to convince the Nigerian people that the minority led political party is not a fluke but a serious affair that would ensure the stability of Nigeria by guaranteeing justice to all religious and ethnic groups in Nigeria.

LEARN FROM WHY WE FAILED IN THE PAST

Why we failed in the past was not because we had no vision. We articulated a vision, which saw us through the Constituent Assembly. Beyond that we ran into roadblocks. They are avoidable today. Let me state them.

We failed because we had leadership crisis. We started out on the basis of collective leadership on the erroneous assumption that later a leader would emerge. When we went into the politics of fusion with other groups, the principle of collective leadership failed us. This is well discussed in the book. This can still be an issue today.

We failed because we had no money to undertake the campaign for the first presidential election in 1979. It was obvious that even though oil came from the minority enclave in Nigeria, those who made money from oil during the military regime by 1978 were not from the area of oil production, as General David Ejoor from the oil producing area articulated in his memoir (Reminiscences) in 1988. Has the situation changed since 1979?

We failed because the military did not provide for us, a new phenomenon in Nigerian politics. We neglected the military and in the end we paid for it. Even though the military was in the hands of the northern minority, we could not convince the military that we could lead the country, especially after the rule of General Yakubu Gowon. Has that situation changed today?

We failed because the political leaders of the minorities who rallied round the military administration of General Gowon were either barred from politics or were afraid to come into politics with us during the first round while the military that sacked them was still in power. Has that situation changed today?

Finally we failed because the leadership of the party fell victim of the politics of divide and rule in the hand of the majority ethnic nationalities. Has this situation changed today?

All these sources of failure can be dealt with today, if the current leaders of the minorities in the "South-South" and in the "Middle-Belt" genuinely want to bring about a change in Nigerian politics that since independence has been based on the tripod.

THOSE WHO PLAYED CRITICAL ROLE IN THE PAST

That the book is dedicated to Chief Solomon D. Lar, Lt. General T. Y. Danjuma Chief Tony Oladeinde Fernadez and Dr. Obi Wali is a testimony to the roles played these eminent Nigerians in the upliftment of the minorities in Nigeria and in moving the Nigerian politics beyond the tripod.

The leadership and courage of Chief SD Lar and General TY Danjuma in challenging the myth, "we are all northerners" is an example for the new political leaders to build on.

The theoretical exposition of the "Fourth Dimension" as an alternative vision in Nigerian politics, which he displayed in many fora during various crises that the party faced, is recounted in the book. May his soul rest in peace.

MEMBERS OF MAJORITY GROUPS WHO CAN HELP

It should be noted that Chief Fernandez was neither a member of the minority ethnic group nor a practicing politician. He was a firm believer in what we were doing and he decided to secure a membership of Club 19 as a foundation member and he provided money for the launching of the Club in many states.

As a majority person, he took interest in what was going on in the Constituent Assembly and in what we were doing in the Constituent Assembly. He took interest in what we were planning to do beyond the Constituent Assembly and genuinely wanted us to succeed.

Chief Fernandez was attracted to the fact that it was something new. He supported our efforts in many ways, some of which are recounted in the book.

I cannot forget the meeting some of us held with Uncle Henry, Chief Henry Fajemirokun, and the baron of business. He promised to mobilize our group. Mortality deprived us of the support of Chief Henry Fajemirokun who died in Ivory Coast a week before he was to conclude his plan to support us. Chief Gabriel Osawaru Igbinedion, the Esama of Benin is a living testimony of what Chief Fajemirokun was trying to do to help our cause.

TRIBUTE TO MY BENIN CHIEFS

Despite the death of Chief Fajemirokun, Chief Igbinedion still made tremendous contribution to our cause because I was involved. I cannot forget the support that I received from my people such as the late Chiefs FS Edo-Osagie and MI Agbontaen. The different support that these eminent Chiefs in Benin gave to Dr. Azikiwe when his former followers in Benin disserted him is recounted in this book. They did what they did quoting them "because of me" not because they were convinced that Dr. Azikiwe would win or that he should have come into partisan politics again.

TRIBUTE TO THOSE SUPPORTED MY ELECTION

Let me use this medium to pay tribute to the Benin Traditional Institutions symbolized by the Oba of Benin, Oba Akenzua II and the two Iyase, Chiefs H. Omo Osagie and Chief SO Ighodaro for the support they gave me when I was seeking election to the Constituent Assembly. What they did and how they did it would be left to my memoir still in press. To the Councilors of Oredo that elected me on faith to represent Oredo, this book is the account of my stewardship.

FINAL WORD

Let me leave the political leaders of today (Governors and elected and party officials) in the "Middle-Belt" and in the "South-South" with one more lesson.

There are some members of the majority ethnic nationalities who genuinely want to work with the minorities in the country from a position of mutual respect, embrace them.

There are some Nigerians who have no political party affiliations but who would want something new in Nigerian politics. Fish them out and face them with the prospect of a new vision and a new day. I know their views.

These Nigerians are sick and tired of the quest for baton change among three players that is waged in a zero sum game fashion.

They want Nigerian politicians to go beyond the barren politics of Hausa/Fulani, Yoruba and Igbo either in the military or in the civilian politics that failed the country since 1960.

In short there are Nigerians like Chiefs Fernadez, Fajemirokun, Igbinedion, Edo-Osagie and Agbontaen to name a few who would support something-new i.e. Beyond the Tripod in Nigerian Politics.

Professor Omo Omoruyi.

June 2002