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THE
POLITICS OF REVENUE FORMULA
By
Yushau Abdulhameed Shuaib
Head of Public Relations
Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission
Abuja
“The new Revenue Formula is scientifically collected,
statistically analyzed and systematically presented
devoid of emotion, sentiment and political
hanky-panky” Engr. Hamman A. Tukur Chairman RMAFC
It seems another political impasse may brew over the
recent request of President Olusegun Obasanjo to
withdraw the Revenue Formula he had submitted to
National Assembly due to the allegation of circulation
of its fake Bills. Already there are discontent tunes
from some tiers and also bewilderment amongst
leadership of legislative arms. The commotion over
contentious fiscal issue is unnecessary if there is
full comprehension of the political economy of revenue
allocation formula.
The issue of revenue sharing, which has been
generating heated public debate, remains a constant
feature of discourse in our nationhood even before our
independence. The sharing of proceeds from natural
endowment, though not from exploration by host
communities, has weakened development of other natural
resources by the citizenry, as the desire is to
partake in the national cake. It was in view of the
persistent grievances by federating entities that
several ad-hoc bodies were assigned to fashion out
equitable sharing formula for economic empowerment and
peaceful coexistence. Reports of some of these panels
were implemented, some halfway while others were
dumped in the archives for probable references.
Notable reports were received from Raisman Commission
1958, Aboyade Technical Committee 1977, Okigbo
Panel1979 and National Revenue Mobilisation Allocation
and Fiscal Commission 1992.
On the inception of the new democratic dispensation,
after several years of civil rules, the 1999
constitution is very explicit on the issue of revenue
sharing with Section 162(2) states: “The President
upon the receipt of advice from the Revenue
Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission, shall
table before the National assembly proposals for
revenue allocation from the Federation Account…provided the principle of derivation shall be
constitutionally reflected in any approved formula as
not less than thirteen percent of revenue accruing to
the Federation Account directly from any natural
resources.” Also the Third Schedule (N) of the same
Constitution empowers the Commission to “…review from
time to time the revenue allocation formulae and
principles in operation to ensure conformity with
changing realities.”
It was in view of the above constitutional provision
that on its inauguration in September 1999, the Hamman
Tukur-led Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal
Commission (RMAFC) earnestly started the process of
devising a new revenue formula by undertaking a study
of relevant literatures and experiences of other
federations. This was followed by publicized request
for public memoranda from the stakeholders, interested
groups and general public for necessary inputs towards
achieving maximum public participation. It would be
necessary to state that the 1992 Revenue Formula,
backed by Decree 106 was in place and used into the
new era of democracy, but could not address changing
realities like the increase in numbers of states (6),
local government councils (185) and the constitutional
provision that increases derivation principle from 1%
to 13%. The formula, which existed for almost ten
years, gave Federal Government 48.5%, State Government
24% Local Government 20% and Special Fund 7%.
The
Special Fund that was managed by Federal government
gave FCT 1%, Ecological Fund 1%, Stabilization 1.5%
and Development of Natural Resources 3%.
By first quarter of year 2001, the RMAFC had received
more than a million pages of memoranda, through tours,
visits and submissions from stakeholders at Federal,
States and local government councils. There were also
physical representations where President Obasanjo in
his characteristic humility left the cozy state house
and led the federal government delegation for an open
interaction with RMAFC to present a case for fair
revenue. Similar visits were paid to the Commission by
states’ governors and Chairmen of Local government
councils through the then ALGON. Considering enormous
lobbying through the written and oral submissions, the
Commission had to seek the service of professionals
for systematic and scientific analyses of the collated
data. The consultants were chosen from reputable
academia and credible institutions across the country.
By the time collations were made and analysed, a
critical study on constitutional responsibilities of
each tier was done to assigned commensurate indices
through percentages to the beneficiaries. It was
therefore not surprising that it took the Commission
almost a whole year to submit its first proposal to
President Olusegun Obasanjo in August 2001, which was
subsequently passed to the National Assembly in its
original form. That initial proposal gave FG 41.3%,
States 31%, LG 16% and Special Fund 11.7%. The Special
Fund was subdivided as follow FCT 1.2%, Ecology 1%,
National Reserve Fund 1%, Agric/Solid mineral fund
1.5% and Basic education and Skill Acquisition (BESA)
7%. The burden of funding primary education by Local
Government councils, which resulted to rampant cases
of Zero-allocation, necessitated the transfer of that
responsibility to BESA for direct funding under
Special Fund. That gesture was intended to completely
eradicate the zero allocation syndromes.
That proposed revenue formula remained with National
Assembly for almost eight months before the Supreme
Court Verdict of April 2002 on Resources Control
nullified the Special Fund in the existing formula,
which invariably affected the fate of the pending
formula with legislators. Considering this
development, there was an urgent need to address the
issue to avoid dislocation in the monthly federation
account disbursement and to also recall the then new
formula to reflect changes as result of the apex court
ruling.
While the Commission attempted to devise a temporary
measure to avoid unnecessary fiscal vacuum, the
federal Government through an Executive Order, took
the initiative by taking over items on Special Fund to
manage on behalf of the Federation. Therefore by May
2002, the share of FG became 56% while State and LG
maintained their 24% and 20% respectively. But due to
outcry from other tiers, the FG in July 2002 through
second Executive Order magnanimously ceded 1.32% from
its allocation where a new picture emerged with states
receiving 24.72% and LGcs 20.60 while FG receives
54.68%.
Since an Executive Order, as authoritative interim
measure which was legalized by a subsequent ruling of
Supreme Court, the Commission had to devise another
strategy in making sure that the revised formula is
fair and just without emotion or sentiments. It
therefore withdrew the early submission from National
Assembly and asked for fresh inputs from stakeholders
and general public on how to apply the Special Fund.
The response was also very overwhelming in the sense
that, Federal Government representatives led by the
Secretary to the Government of Federation made written
and oral submission just as did the states. But
regrettably, the local Government councils could not
make representations because appointees of State
Governors have replaced most of their elected officers
at the grassroots. Therefore, in the absence of
democratic government at the lower tier, the states
made case for them.
With the Special Fund, as the new bone of contention,
the Commission meticulously reexamined fiscal
responsibilities of the various tiers of government
and existing revenue allocation system in the country
towards revising the formula. It also undertook
detailed investigations of various functions of the
tiers as enshrined in the Constitution in assigning
percentages on responsibilities to respective tiers.
It also considered, for just sharing, vertical indices
such as population, equality, landmass, social
development and internal revenue efforts amongst other
important parameters. It therefore took the Commission
another hectic and tedious journey in proposing a
final revenue formula, which it finally submitted to
the President in December 2002 who in turn graciously
tabled it to the National Assembly in January 2003.
The final formula with the National Assembly since
then gives FG 46.63%, States 33% and LGs 20.37%.
Some of the features of the new revenue formula
include treatment of FCT as if it were a state and its
areas council too, to be treated like local government
councils in the statutory disbursement. The
implementation of derivation funds in the proposal,
will involve the participation of host communities and
traditional institutions. There is also a compulsory
prorated contributory fund to address problems that
are common and peculiar sources of discontent among
the tiers. That fund will be used to fund ecology,
technology research, solid mineral development,
national reserve and national agricultural
development.
It can be said that before the Commission proposed the
new formula, it considered different views,
scientifically used deductive analysis from collected
data but temper the expected rigidity to accommodate
socioeconomic and socio-political nature of the
exercise. At the end, mix analysis was employed to
satisfy the principles of Pareto Optimality and
conforms to the utilitarian concept and policy of the
greatest happiness for the greatest number of the
stakeholders. While the Commission may have submitted
its advice in form of a proposal, no one really knows
who is responsible for drafting the bill that is
generating anxiety presently.
In conclusion, it could be said that the proposed new
revenue formula will ensure that the current resources
are distributed fairly, equitably and justly to all
beneficiaries, while it would enhance national growth,
development and cohesion. But one serious question
that needs to be asked is whether this tasking and
consuming exercise can be tempered with or altered
without recourse to its technical formulator?
November 2003
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