Sovereign national conference

By

Godwin Ndubuisi Kanu

OUR problem is not the constitution. No matter how one views it, and no matter what side of any divide (social, political, status, ethnic, economic) that one is, that statement holds true. The problem is what had gone into the making and operating of written "constitution", and what had gone into operating one (anyone) since the advent of unitarianism (foisted by members of the military at the central echelon, and by conceptually-militarised members of the civil polity during the civilian interregnum and the last "diarchy").

 

When Gen. Abacha, at the inception of his regime, announced his plan to set up a National Constitutional Conference "with full constituent powers". Nigerian nationalities were ready to hold the kind of conference that Nigeria needed and which the peoples have been asking for, even before and during the last administration: the Sovereign National Conference.

 

The people were ready for this within the context of the import and the meaning of June 12. I had in an earlier write-up stated the meaning or import of June 12 and I here extract just a few of its highlights:

 

Federalism: True federalism has to be the way forward for Nigeria. The nations that make up Nigeria, and hence individual Nigerians, are equal shareholders in the Nigerian polity. Without the parts (the federating nations) there is no whole (the federal country). There is no country, Nigeria, that got divided into nations (and I do not mean the states.) In this case, the country (the whole) is a child of the nations. As equal partners, every nation should be given a sense of belonging. No nation, or individuals or groups thereof or therefrom, should claim or arrogate to itself the golden share, the prerogative of leadership, the casting vote - at all times. The equality should manifest in intent, in pronouncements, and in actuality. Power should be moving round naturally to all parts or nations. The exercise of the power must be more open, must not be misused and abused. 'Power' must be seen as service, not a privilege and a right. In this connection, the federating nations were needful of asserting their positions as equals. The federating nations now desire to wrest back those vital areas of social activities whose management is best suited to them. This should even extend to the local governments, education, etc. The federated unity should be that of unity in diversity and of equals.

 

It should be noted from above that "federalism" forms the high point and is as well the springwell from which will flow the progress and well being for this agglomeration of nationalities into an area called Nigeria. Quoting from Dr. George Obiozor's recent book The Politics of Precarious Balancing, "federalism conceived in the proposed social sense, looks to the linkage of peoples and institution by mutual consent, without the sacrifice of their individual identities;" and "it is the abuse of the principle by its operators that constitutes the greatest threat to the corporate existence of Nigeria by severely and purposefully (sic) undermining the spirit of nationalism and patriotism." In the same book, Dr. Obiozor had drawn attention to Dr. Okechukwu Ijejiani's postulate that "a major reform of our political structure and institutions is the first and necessary condition in re-awakening the Nigerian spirit", (1986); to Gen. Gowon's, "a federal system with a weak central government" (1966); to Gen. Murtala Mohammed's advice to the CDC (1975), to consider a system that will "eliminate over-centralisation of power in few hands and as a matter of defusing tension."

 

Some conclusions therein were to the effect that "we believe that the practice of a true federalism which in itself means decentralisation would redeem the country from its history of chronic political instability and put it on the road to a genuine political integration and sound economic development and growth; neither the rulers nor the citizens will dream of real peace until this fundamental problem is solved. We are at a stage when a critical choice must be made for Nigeria's future, and the basic issue is to find out what our country needs to remain united and stable and proceed from there. There is no need for shadow boxing in this exercise"" It is sad that the waters invigorating the kernels of our separateness are being spread around by all those pretending and stating that the unity of Nigeria is not negotiable - when they mean a unity that does not conform with, and indeed militates against, our multi-national, multi-lingual reality, as dictated by nature. I mention in passing that such people or groups include those who had stated that they had tried it and it had failed.

 

Back to the Sovereign National Conference. When memoranda were called for by the Abacha administration, various nationalities prepared and submitted in wholesome response to the National Constitutional Conference Committee as required. The common grains of these memoranda were the need for a proper federalism in principle and in practice, of power decentralisation and of revenue generation and distribution.

 

The tragic step was the twisting of the conference into one that was no more "with full constituent powers," and so it failed to address the real problem in Nigeria, that is, restructuring for the proper federalism of nationalities. It had been mentioned that there was fear (I call it misunderstanding) of the term "sovereign." Noise or fears were expressed that a Sovereign National Conference could ask the military to quit; that there cannot be two "sovereign" authorities in the land; an allusion was wrongly made to the President Soglo's experience in Benin Republic. A "Sovereign" National Conference is, in a way, like a 'Cocoa' Conference - that is a conference to deliberate upon 'sovereignty' (in the case of the SNC) or of "cocoa' (in the case of cocoa conference.) One would even venture further to say that the word 'Sovereign' (SNC) is like the word 'economic' for Economic Conference of ECOWAS or of 'oil' in oil conference. Incidentally, the federation is like our ECOWAS, or the European Union, or the Organisation of African Unity, except substitute "federating nationalities" for federating or unionising countries.

 

Now, for Nigeria, what is Nigeria? It is an "area" around the River Niger (Niger area, Nigeria) encompassing Efik, Nupe, Ibibio, Idoma, Ibo, Fulani, Yoruba, Tiv, Kata, Edos, Annang, Gbagyi, etc, up to 250 or nationalities. Incidentally again, we have been deceiving ourselves as to who we call "minorities" in this country. I have written so before, and I write same, without apologies, and I seek no favours. Some of the so-called "minorities" have been largely bankrolling this aggregate of an area called a country, Nigeria, for over 30 years; they ought to hold golden shares - not their numbers, but their pockets supervening.

 

At an oil conference, or a cocoa conference, all producers have the right to their oil and they can produce and sell as they like. It is their God-given and inalienable right and property. The producer-participants have only to come together to a conference of their own free will and in pursuit of mutual interest. Decisions get reached by consensus, not by the dictates of one or a group of producers, howsoever bountiful their own cocoa or oil.

 

Whenever any individual producer or group dominates at such a conference, the outcome remains purely a temporary arrangement as the other producers who have been cowed down or dictated sooner or later seek their own separate accommodation that would best suit their requirement.

 

Consensus and free will remain the only lasting bond for the association. Nationalities that make up Nigeria have their inherent, inalienable God-given 'sovereignties' - as nationalities. My late father died at age of 105 years: at the time of his birth, there was no Nigeria, that is to say that area around the Niger. God in His infinite wisdom created him an Igboman (apologies to anthropologists). He died an Igboman and he lies buried in Igboland (just like a dead Yough would have been buried in Tivland, a dead Aminu in Kano, Abubakar in Sokoto, Awolowo in Yorubaland, Etuk in Ibibioland). My father died an Igboman in an area naturally Igboland, and within the area around Niger called Nigeria by (the white) man. The late old man had worked for and loved the Nigerian experiment. He looked forward to a greater agglomeration of nationalities, a fair, just and equitable Nigeria, as a dream of mutual and mutually respected and enhancing association. He now lies buried in Igboland. No one should be ashamed or fight shy of belonging to his/her nationality. And we must stop and forget about talking or perceiving tribe or ethnicity as if there is anything wrong with coming from any tribe, an ethnic group, or a nationality.

 

WE cannot play God, nor can we claim to know better than God. America is a dream, worthy of emulation, yet a dream. It is a dream for mutual respect, protection, freedom, opportunities, equity and justice. Nobody was created by God as an American. It is only that (thanks to Vasco Da Gama, Amerigo Vespucci, and the pilgrims), Indians, Spaniards, Englishmen, Welsh, Scots, Irish, Polish, Afro-Americans (Igbo, Ibiobio, Efik, Yoruba, Asante, etc), Italians, Jews, etc, are there to build the American dream; yet an Italian-American is still" an Italian, an Irish, Irish.

 

In the case of Nigeria, and at the risk of standing history on its head, if the French, rather than the British, had won "The Race to Nikki" on that hot afternoon in the late 19th century, the "area" around the 'Niger' (or at least Sokoto, Kano Maiduguri, etc) would have been part of Niger Republic, with capital as Niamey, or Fort Lamy, or Lagos or Kaduna. We, the people, could have been called 'Niger' (as in French) people, or Chadians. But that would not change the basic, natural intrinsic Urhoboness, Gbagyiness, Ijawness, Hausaness, Fulaniness, Igboness, Yorubaness, Ogoniness, etc.

 

To stay together as a country (an area) and work towards building a dream is a voluntary action; it must be a voluntary action of the nationalities involved in that area (country). Being united in a country must be borne out of the unfettered volition of the nationalities so uniting. It is not through force of arms or through domination or even domineering dispensation. And the days of colonisation and territorial acquisitions are over; we are now in a world of human rights and of self-determination of nations and nationalities, however small.

 

Neither dictatorial tendencies nor actions, not even Hitlerite genocide or pogrom can so enforce unity successfully, where the act of uniting is not from the free and unfettered volition of the composing nationalities. Nations have been conquered and annexed. Inexorably, save by an ensuring freewill to stay, so they have always, however, long it took, gotten their freedom.

 

Again, the sovereign national conference. From the beginning, whenever that was, and until the end of time, whenever that would be, the Igbo nationality, by God Almighty, will continue to exist. So it is with all the nationalities of the country. Neither Hitlerite pogrom, nor "ethnic cleansing," nor even nuclear bomb can wipe off any of the nationalities; ask the Jews; remember the Australian Aborigines. Igbo wish to associate with other nationalities - as equals, and of their own freewill; so do other nationalities. It is the voluntary wish or desire that is important; and nobody voluntarily wishes to associate as an underdog. Anything short of voluntary wish, and anything short of equitable is a matter of short-term convenience or inconvenience no matter how long the short-term is or appears or holds.

 

Unity is not geographical in developing the dream of enlarged nation-state; unity is one of like-minds, of equal opportunities, mutual protection, a unity of the spirit. Neither threats of "blood will flow", nor the crushing of protests with iron hand will advance the cause and course of uniting, or even unionising. Such measures fail - in the short or long run. The "sovereignty" of a people is that they are a people, distinct, created as distinct in many ways by God. They have their culture, way of life, language, group aspirations, common ancestry, shared heritage and history. They have a God-given right to exist as a distinct group on Mother-Earth, free thereon to pursue their common goals and aspirations.

 

It is the 'sovereign' right of any nationality to decide whom to associate with, and in what form; it is a voluntary action. People of the same nationality may wish to be in different local government areas or states (these are administrative, man-made organisations); even so, they remain and belong to that same nationality; and they cannot even change from their God-created nationality - even where they 'naturalise' in another country/area.

 

Fortunately for Nigeria for now, there is still immense fond of desire and goodwill to be together - in a country of equals. Because of recent and past history, the nationalities that make up Nigeria wish a revisit of the terms and conditions of their association, their being together to forge the 'Nigerian' dream. They have to discuss. Decisions will be reached by consensus. You have your 'cocoa' (sovereignty), and I have mine; it is just that we wish to trade together - to mutual vantage and benefit.

 

The Sovereign National Conference is not a conference of acrimony. Everyone comes to that conference with his God-given chances. The nationalities come together in a Sovereign National Conference to discuss what areas of their inherent 'sovereignty' that they wish to place on the centre-table, for central co-ordination (not central domination). In fact, the 'centre' is only an outcome of their voluntary wish and desire to confer and agglomerate.

 

A Sovereign National Conference is not one in which any representative or delegate claims the mandate of his/her town or village or ward: he is there to best present the views of his nationality as to what mode and modus of association his nationality desires. Any difference must be resolved by consensus.

 

A Sovereign National Conference is not one in which any side or any nationality has come to see what advantage or advantages it can gain, it is a case of 'my loss is your loss, and my gain is yours'. In fact, numerical strength of delegates or representatives plays little or no part.

 

The ineluctable fact is that each nationality has an 'inherent sovereignty' to be on its own: it is only through felt need that they have come voluntarily to discuss how to be together with other nationality. It is repeated that decisions are by consensus; and it is a meeting with positive friendly, even brotherly desires. No nationality or group has the competence or power to lord it over another or the rest. That would be counter-productive. Let us take an example. If some nationality (ies) desire education to be left for local (nationality) control, and some other says "no" in a dominant way (rather than by discussion), the upshot of such "no" is two-fold: either the one(s) saying this type of "no" do(es) not wish the other(s) to join, or is/are not prepared to join in. It is by voluntary desire that the conference assembles, it is through consensus that the sense of belonging is sustained; and for a country (that emerges or is rejuvenated - which Nigeria badly needs), patriotism manifests and grows. The Sovereign National Conference is a conference for complementary.

 

There is no need or even allowance for approval to be accorded by any other body or authority to the consensus decisions reached. The outcome of a Sovereign National Conference is a just, equitable and balanced federation and federalism, thus the country and the nation-state waxes stronger and progresses. All hands and minds are on deck and all shoulders to the plough. Everybody gains - as individuals, groups, nationalities, and the country; not just the self-deluding but really self-defeating gains of a clique or a group or some nationality or the other.

 

The bases for the SNC, that is the agenda calling for consensus, are the felt positions of the nationalities. For the Igbo, for instance, it is the position papers (memorandum) articulated by them and submitted. It is prepared from their sovereign right, as well as from their desire to associate in the same country with other nationalities. Let me state that, as of today (and that includes since Lugard's wife), the Igboman, is not an Igboman because he is a Nigerian. On the other hand, the Igboman is a Nigerian only because he is an Igboman; same goes for other nationalities.

 

It is the Sovereign National Conference that sets the tone for viable and vibrant unity of the nationalities in accordance with their voluntary desire. The history of our intermingling, intermarriages, inter-trade and internationalised oneness has kept the seeds of such desire alive. The negativism of dominance and domination has sown the seeds of re-examination and disenchantment. It is after the SNC that a constitution emerges. It is always better to discuss and reach agreement; the spirit becomes right. Even when thereafter there are 'ifs' and 'buts' or mistakes in the letter, the body-politic holds, guided by the spirit of the agreements.

 

Each day that passes without our holding the Sovereign National Conference is a day spent in further watering the seeds of disenchantment from the innate desire of the nationalities. SNC is not a conference on how to divide. It is a conference by people who voluntarily wish to be together, but also who wish to work out a happy way of such being together - amicably and equitably. We do not have to wait until "things fall apart". Whether five months or five years, 50 months or 50 years, from now, a Sovereign National Conference, a conference for mutual benefit, mutual progress, is inevitable - if Nigeria, the type of Nigeria that we all really desire. The 'either' is that it must come, earlier better; the 'or' is also inevitable - if the SNC does not come.

 

The Sovereign National Conference can only be properly held under a democratic setting. It is a democratic exercise by its very mutually supportive nature, freewill and voluntary desire. On another note, for all those who wish to avoid the cycle of take-over by members of the military, proper federalism is the bedrock of a multi-lingual, multi-national country that Nigeria is. A Sovereign National Conference is the road to that true federalism and our progress as a country. It is repeated that the SNC has to be within the framework of democratic polity; it cannot be properly done otherwise.

 

March 2002