"THIS IS THE WORST REGIME" 

by 

Colonel Yohanna Madaki (Rtd)

"I have dealt a lethal blow to feudalism." It is with these words that two-time military governor under the Ibrahim Babangida regime, Colonel Yohanna Madaki shot into public limelight and then shot his military career to pieces. He had just fired the Emir of Muri in Gongola State on charges of corruption in 1987, and at the time Madaki uttered those words, the caliphate north was rising in unison to protest the shattering blow he had dealt the sacrosanct but hardly unblemished traditional authority of Northern Nigeria. Madaki, at the heart of the storm, was indifferent.

"The man was a rogue." And he insisted that he had to be fired.

The Babangida regime under which he served was pretty confused by the turn of events. But it was at that time still trying to court the Hausa-Fulani aristocracy that saw the overthrow of Major-General Muhammadu Buhari in terms of their class loss of authority and prestige. Babangida dismissed Madaki and, after the furore had died down, converted the dismissal to retirement. In an editorial, the liberal daily, The Guardian, celebrated "Madaki's reprieve" as the triumph of justice and good sense. The newspaper found good company in millions of Nigerians who not only applauded Madaki's lion-hearted courage, but saw in it the defining ethos of the new Nigeria that Babangida had promised only two years before in his coup broadcast.

That was before Babangida abandoned the path of rectitude and honour for manipulation and government by ambuscade. And indeed, Madaki's sack was Babangida's first step on the route to self-destruction.

Since retirement, Madaki has been in legal practice, and has, from time to time, dabbled into politics. But his lot has been much disappointment: disappointment from his primary constituency, the army, which he says has run the country aground, and disappointment from the political class which "has learnt nothing, and forgets too easily."

He spoke to Ima Niboro, Associate Editor, on the state of the nation, the hanging of Saro-Wiwa and the state of the Nigerian military. His verdict is indeed gloomy. Excerpts:

Ima Niboro (IN) : There is no doubt that Nigeria is in a virtual state of war and this was occasioned by the hanging of the environmental rights activist, Ken Saro-Wiwa. What really was your reaction to the hangings ?

Yohanna Madaki (YM) : I first heard that they were found guilty, but I told myself the sentences would not be confirmed. But when they were confirmed, I was shocked because of the speed having regard to other decisions that don't attract such response. But I still said nothing will happen because the Head of State will exercise his power of prerogative of mercy, especially because I knew there was already a petition about the conduct of the tribunal. Remember the defence counsel withdrew, taking the same position as the Zangon-Kataf defence. So I was very confident that at the end of it all, the Head of state would intervene and the proper thing would be done. But when I heard from the BBC that they had been hanged, I was dazed and paralysed and I couldn't talk for a very long time.

I just wished that it was not true. First of all as a citizen, that we find ourselves in this, I felt very bad.

IN : The view is that Ken Saro-Wiwa posed a terminal threat to the source of funds of the dictatorship and that was why it moved with dispatch to execute him, and drive fear into the oil-producing minorities ?

YM : You see, one of the recommendations of the Babalakin Commisssion was that whenever a minority group articulates a position which should enable them to have the right of self-determination, it should be granted.

The government turned it down that it would bring anarchy if these minorities were allowed freedom and all that. Now, the case of Saro-Wiwa posed a threat, not essentially because of money, but because those people who think that the minorities are their cushion see that sooner or later, the right to oppress these people would come to an end. But even more important is what happened with Shell. When the Ogoni people asked for some money, myself and Saro-Wiwa used to discuss at length, Shell usually said that money had already been given to the Federal government.

So, the people who are close to power, who have access to the money meant for developing the environment, for cushioning the effect of oil pollution are afraid that people like Saro-Wiwa were going to expose to the whole world that the money that Shell has been paying did not get to the people. That is why you found government trying to protect Shell more than Shell was trying to protect itself. It is a fact that Shell has indeed paid this money. So the agents of government do not want even Abacha himself to know - you know they can blindfold you. You talk to Buhari and you will know. It is this same set of people who do not want what they have done to come to light, because of what they have taken which in fact is not paid to federal coffers. These are the people who gave terrible advice, and painted a frightening situation to lead the PRC - which is made up, as far as I am concerned, of simple-minded people - to act the way they have acted.

So I do not see it as the federal government per se. But, whether the PRC is aware that these advisers are hiding is another matter.

But I must say that it was the greatest blunder of the century. Two things are there. First, how can such a minority hold the majority hostage ? Then how can this Saro-Wiwa of a man suddenly come here and liberate the minorities, the food of the majority and their source of cheap labour? Saro-Wiwa must be stopped. That is why they led the PRC to that action. Now, they have withdrawn, only to come down and say it was a blunder. These same people. You are going to ask me now, what is the solution ? Of course, execute them too.

IN : Well, I was coming to that point. But these PRC members you describe as simple-minded are the same people who invariably make decisions for Nigeria. They are your former colleagues. Were you still in the army, you might have been major-general by now and probably have been there ?

YM : I believe, indeed I know it as a fact that members of the PRC are not a bunch of wicked people. But they are simple-minded, of whom advantage can be taken, and which has been taken. That is the danger. It is true they make decision for us but that has not stopped them from being simple-minded, from seeing things from a yes or no point of view. That is the fact. If anybody contests it, let him come forward.

IN : I know that you knew Saro-Wiwa very well. I was at the Constitutional Rights Project workshop in Abuja and I saw the level of interaction between the two of you. What was your impression of this man. Do you believe he was a violent man as he is being made out to be ?

YM : You know, that is why I made the statement about dealing with people who are simple-minded. They get to know the facts late. It is like the name Madaki. In some places, it depicts nothing but trouble, that is the unfortunate image you get tagged on you because many Nigerians are mere spectators. They just react, they wait, shout or clap or do something. They don't think. If you spent two hours with Saro-Wiwa, you will know that you are talking to an intellectual, well-informed of depth. You see, Saro-Wiwa was twenty years earlier. He was living in a society that is twenty years behind his time. He came twenty years too early. So with his brutal truth, with the simplicity of his attitude pipe, short sleeves, slippers if you like, and talking so frankly - it is this frankness which hurts the people who gallop in the darkness.

So they must call him a man of violence; they have to paint him - give him a picture of a devil in order to hang him. Today they are not thinking the same thing because the ghost of Saro-Wiwa is haunting all of us who stood by. You know I have been hearing and reading of Saro-Wiwa.

When I saw him I didn't believe he was the one. He was too simple to be the one shaking the whole country and getting all this international acclaim. Some of the times he would tell me, "Look Yohanna, it is your brother, your Brigadier from Zangon-Kataf, from Kagoro, who is commanding the troops that are killing my people." Then I will say to him jokingly that "Look, they should have killed you in that prison." Then we will all laugh. I never believed what he was saying until he showed me pictures.

Some of the things he was saying I can't believe. But he had a habit of documenting it. He will show you on video, on tape. He will show you pictures. Then you have to go and see. This is a place that sits on water but you can't get water to drink. You will die of thirst.

A place were oil can be gotten with a shovel, but you can't have electricity. Look, man, I don't want to be reminded of it.

IN : So what should be the people's verdict as regards these "simple-minded" people who killed Saro-Wiwa. In fact, what should society's judgement on them be like ?

YM : You see, if we recommend what society should do, it might be anarchy. But for me, I have been documenting the people who are causing trouble in this country. Have you been reading what has been happening in the former communist countries ? Some of these people are being tried today. Those of them who are lucky die now, we will dig their graves. I cannot say go and kill them now because it will just be anarchy. You won't be able to. But definitely not the PRC. They were just tools being used by these people. They are crooks. They are the people lurking behind power. No matter what you do they must show their face, you have to accomodate them. We have to document them for the day of reckoning. They can't get away with it because they won't stop. When the wind blows this way, they go with it. The issue of morality is out.

IN : There is the threat of more sanctions against Nigeria. The US, EU countries, as well as most of the world have responded in this regard. We have been suspended from Commonwealth. Clearly, there is a global isolation coming. Do you envisage Nigeria as weathering all these and surviving, especially given the fact that the government is entrenched in Abuja, seemingly unshaken and unworried ?

YM : I don't think they are unshaken and unworried. I think the government is worried. But I think we have a situation where people do not know where their source of livelihood comes from. It is like children who wake up in the morning and they have milk, they have orange juice. If you ask the child where the milk comes from, he will say from the fridge, because when he wakes up in the morning and he gets orange juice and milk from the fridge, he thinks the fridge manufactures them. I tell you about Nigeria's suspension from the Commonwealth. If you have an international passport, you will see it there that a Nigerian citizen has the status of a Commonwealth citizen. So you ask yourself what does a Commonwealth citizen enjoy ? They are those things we take for granted.

When you do not have diplomatic relations with a country and you go there then something happens, you will then know the importance of the relationship with that country. I served in Lebanon. In Lebanon, we had to go through Ghana, which had a high commission. If we wanted to do anything, we had to go through Ghana. That was just a small scale. So those people who are shouting, "What comes from the Commonwealth," are like those children who think milk comes from the fridge. There are Commonwealth scholarships. They ease the burden of the federal government. When people get EC scholarships, or when states get EC aid, the weight on the central government is taken away. But when all these things are not there, and everybody calls at the gate of the federal government for all they need, then you will know that Nigeria cannot survive a global assault, in terms of isolation, for even six months.

And I am being very liberal with six months. But a lot of people don't know what it is. Some of these clowns in government have shouted and now out of the blues have recoiled. You must watch it. Many of them don't know what it meant and were only trying to show how loyal they were. But they are the people who cause trouble. How on earth can anyone not tell the government that if the Commonwealth is meeting you shouldn't even confirm, not to talk of killing. Look, I am fed up with these clowns, clowning around. But they will pay for it.

IN : The crisis we are now in is actually part of the chain of events that began since June 23, 1993 when the June 12 elections were annulled. Now that the world is taking on Nigeria, do you think it comes too late? Could Nigeria have been saved if the world reacted more resolutely soon after the annulment ?

YM : If you look at the behaviour of Nigerians, we can as well ask ourselves whether it is too late ? But, would the worst of the reactionary Nigerians today do the same thing about June 12 as happened in 1993 ?

Obviously no. You yourself wouldn't have believed that this thing would lead us to this point. So I don't think [they] should have clamped down immediately on Nigeria over June 12. What is happening now is happening in accordance with timing. If somebody says, "Do you support sanctions," and you say yes, they say 'ehen, you are unpatriotic", if you say "no", then "ehen, you are on the other side." But you see, things are carefully determined. We deserve a punishment for not playing the game according to the rules of the global club. If the world today has become what we call a global village, then there have to be rules. If you don't play by them, then you are removed from the club. If your child writes an examination and he cheats, then he is apprehended and expelled, if they ask you , if he deserves expulsion, and you say yes, they say "You see, he is even against his son." But we have to speak of the principles.

Not the effect of the application of these principles. For example, if anybody commits an offence, he should be punished. That is the principle. But that is not to say you can smash somebody's head without hearing him. You cannot take a cutlass and cut off Saro-Wiwa's head before hearing his petition or appeal.

IN : There are fears on the rise about an armed invasion of Nigeria, using Cameroon and the problem at the Bakassi Peninsula. Speculations are that it is really aimed at causing trouble for the junta. But given the state of the armed forces today, do you consider a response likely - at least from the Nigerian armed forces ?

YM : You see, the armed forces of a country is a security matter. But I think if the worst comes to the worst and the Nigerian soldier is mobilised, he will fight. But, within the reaction time, can he respond ? I know that the Nigerian military has been badly affected by all that is going on; and there is no doubt that it has affected its efficiency. But some of the officers who will do these - some of the finest men - are still in our army. And if the Nigerian army can be mobilised, it will fight, and meet any force - if we can mobilise them. But can they respond within the time, given the present situation that no country can afford to be in war in excess of two weeks because of the amount of resources required to be committed. If by the time they are mobilised the war is still on, they will fight.

IN : Well, the Abacha administration claims that it is democratising, but all the signs seem to suggest the opposite. After releasing the transition program, politicians attempted to meet and parley on it. The summit was almost disrupted at the behest of the government. This also happened to the NADECO rally held some days later. What signals do these developments flash ?

YM : Obviously, the disruption of the Lagos summit is most unfortunate. It is a disgrace next only to the Saro-Wiwa murder or execution or whatever you wish to call it. Looked at critically, one feels it is a matter of sympathy to anyone who is in leadership today. I can assure you that Abacha might not have done it, no one might have gotten clearance from him to do it. But the inefficient system of zealots trying to prove that they are more military than the military would do this. But whoever wears the crown will be the one that will not sleep. In every civilised society, peaceful demonstrations and processions are allowed. There are in fact squares set up for people to go and speak, to speak out their anger against the government. That is the conduct of civilised societies, and that is the evidence of the tolerance of democracy. But each time somebody disagrees with you, shoot him or lock him up, then we are not in any way thinking of democracy. It is unfortunate. As we go along, there must be criticism. People should be able to say "nonsense" to government programmes and tear them down. Government should be able to say "No, we will explain, this is what we mean." If the politicians don't meet, how can they fashion out anything ? In fact, if what the politicians wanted to do they had done in August 1993, the situation would have been different. But they are doing it late when there is total confusion, a total lack of direction. You know what General Theophilus Danjuma said then. He said, "I am sorry that I will not see democracy in my lifetime."

He was severely criticised for that statement. But is it not coming true ? How many of us are going to see democracy in our lifetimes ? Not too many, if ever, and if Nigeria remains.

IN : You keep speaking of sycophants who lurk behind power and unilaterally act on behalf of the government, causing trouble. Yet, in a matter as grave as the politicians' summit, one would have expected Abacha to take a personal interest - and this would seem to suggest that the attempted disruption had his blessing.

YM : I have said he did not say go ahead and do it. But they went ahead and did it, hoping he will like it. Rightly or wrongly, he has to take responsibility. But the whole thing flopped, just like the hanging of Saro-Wiwa. The fact that he allowed himself to be misled into sanctioning that, and that the judge who sentenced him supervised the hanging, and the military administrator also was there .... what is his business about taking an escort to the hanging? But they did it. It is public. I don't think Abacha phoned them and said go. Even if he did, a judge who went through even the law school ought not to have done that, but he did. So who do we blame ? Uneasy lies the head that wears the crown, so Abacha has to carry the cross. I am sorry about it, but it is true.

IN : Can you also examine the widespread fear that the transition programme is a ruse - just a tactical [program] for self-perpetuating dictatorship. You said just now that many of us might not see democracy in our lifetimes. This can only signal a complete lack of faith in Abacha's programme.

YM : You must have noticed that I have been quiet in recent times. It is because I went into some reflection for some time. You see, the evidence on the ground is even more horrifying than the worst days of the Babangida regime. The sort of people he is putting into some of these transition bodies are the very enemies of Abacha.

The mere presence of some of these clowns is sufficient to disrupt the system. And so it has been disrupted. The type of people they put into some of these structures is nauseating. I am sorry I have to say so, but that is it. How on earth can you put these fake fellows who say one thing today and say another thing tomorrow. Yes, I was present at the initial stage of putting the politicians' summit together, and we said look, if we didn't get the consent of Shagari, we have not started. This is somebody who headed democracy for four years. Even the UPN who opposed him, some of them doffed for him that this is a good man. I was in the West, I was in Oyo at the time. At the end of the day, they knew that Shagari is a good man. So if someone hears Shagari say something, can't you listen ? An old man like Ajasin, about 90, saying something, can't you listen? Will Shagari now go and stand for elections for president or senate now ? So he must mean well. Look, when those area boys went there, the first thing anyone will say is that they are of the government. Government has not denied it. Government has not taken any steps to arrest them. So, what is it? Really there is no reason for me to say yes and hope, because of the drawing up of the transition programme is not done by people who mean well. It was drawn up by people who have interests, who draw themselves into positions. The greatest problem Abacha has today is to be able to know at what stage his advisers are not lying. We must be able to know where all the trouble is coming from. It is not enough to look at Abacha and abuse his person, but to look at the sycophants who are like rainy sea dogs. You beat it but it never goes away. No matter what you do, these people will always go there and take position, waiting. But if they allow the man to make a choice of the proper people, the truth might get to him. But they don't allow this. Do you think these people will draw up this programme and programme themselves out? You ask them to go and do constitutional conference commission. They finish with the commission and the conference and then have gone to take over the transition. They want to head it. Do you think these people will do the transition and go away? No, they will cause trouble so that another constitutional conference can be held, so that they will be in charge. They can't stop. They have to be in government to survive. Take away government for one week, and they are not living beings. This is a place where people don't see honour like anything. There is no honour. How many of them want to be (Julius) Nyerere. How many want to be (Nelson) Mandela. Not many.......

IN : You said earlier that you are compiling a list of these "troublemakers." Can you at least name them ?

YM : Ah, how can I name them ? You want them to escape? (Laughter)

IN : The way you speak of sycophants having hijacked power seems to suggest that you believe Abacha means well. Some believe this is the time to speak out if we are to break the style of Nigerians attacking their leaders after they have left power. Many people abusing Babangida, for instance, are the same people who maintained the strictest silence when he was there.

YM : What will attacks on Abacha's person achieve ? Look at it this way. If Abacha is evil, and he has all these people who say, "No, that is wrong, that is wrong !" He can do nothing. There are many things ....You see, I have been in a position to know some of these things. The human being is weak. He likes good things, likes to enjoy, likes his image to be blown up. He sees smiles and people saying the thing he has done is wonderful, even when he has doubts. The man now begins to say, "Ah, these people are not as clever as I thought, even for this thing which I think is not good, they are clapping." You see, it is still the handiwork of these sycophants. Some write speeches for him. Some write papers for him, make suggestions, saying without you, there will be chaos. So, I don't like attacking the personality of anybody, because when you remove the paraphernalia of office, he ceases to be anything. He becomes like you. He needs information to act, he needs people to carry out orders.

If those people are not willing partners....even Hitler couldn't go it alone. But I will also say that whatever happens at the end of the day, he who wears the crown will take the blame. So, Abacha has to take the blame. If he fails, you can't say, "But for Mr. So and So, he couldn't have failed." He failed. If he succeeds, you can't say, "Ah, he does not know anything, only his advisers helped him." No, he succeeds.

IN : Well, Abacha has been there for two years now, going on to three. Even you spoke now of signs more ominous that the worst days of Babangida. Do you have fears for Nigeria ?

YM : Yes, I have fears for Nigeria. I can't see light at the end of the tunnel. I think the time to pretend and say nice words is over. The evidence that 1996, from the 1st of January, would be worse than today is there. Our biggest problem is our inability to submit to the truth. Of course, there is only darkness pursuing light. Universities are closed, they have shut schools, hospitals are not working. Nothing is happening, the roads are death traps, even our vehicles too. But all they are doing is deceiving Abacha. They are still lying. You have a crisis in Bauchi, they lie. You have a crisis in Zagon-Kataf, they deceive the man. How can he take decisions. You have administrators, you have police commissioners, you have a national security adviser, and they are all busy coining falsehood. But the man has to take a decision, and he will have to take this decision based on falsehood. Even if he is a genius, he will fail. But I am not saying that Abacha ought not to do better.

IN : But won't it take a good man to surround himself with good men ?

YM : Yes...yes. You see, I was a staff officer to Abacha. He was my GOC. I cannot say these are the things he did not do well. He trusted me, and we did it well. Our division was winning, his brigade was winning the shooting competition. But if you transfer that into the civilian setting, you must be able to identify these people to know how people feel of them. Failure to consider what people feel about the people put into position is Abacha's fault. That's where I blame him. We have evidence on many of these people holding key positions now. Somebody being investigated is appointed into office, and he is taking care of those people investigating him. He is the one to accomodate them, give them transport. It is very unfortunate. But all of us have a duty. Yet, how many of us are prepared to talk ? How does he get to know that people are not happy ? They lie and say if you talk, you will be fired. Must you be there ? Why don't you resign. They are the people who say if you don't kill Saro-Wiwa he will not be safe. Now they run away and say they opposed the execution. But they are the ones who did it. That's why he should collect all of them and say this is the result of your advice and shoot them.

Yes. He couldn't have just woken up and said let us kill these people. And a judge would go and supervise hangings and then go back to the high court of justice. I will never appear before them.......... .....

IN : To many, Abiola's mandate is still the only way forward because it is unlikely that any fresh elections would be possible without resolving June 12. The military government also appears set to exploit the divisions to scuttle its self-enunciated transiton programme. Do you consider a return to June 12 as the way forward ?

YM : You remember (Jean-Bertrand) Aristide in Haiti. How long has he stayed now ? One year ? A situation like this, a return to June 12 in its original form is certainly not attainable. But it is certainly still the best option, to call Abiola and say, "You have made too much noise, have it, let us see how you will do it." It will save us all this beating about the bush, because for the next 20 years, we will be paying for the crime of annulling June 12. We will continue to pay.

IN : Would you also join the call for the release of all political prisoners as a way of de-escalating the tension ?

YM : Of course, why would you want to keep Obasanjo in jail because one man wanted to score credit and cooked up the story of a coup ? Is that how coups are done ? You go and keep Obasanjo in jail, put all the best resources away. We thank God they didn't kill him, so they can release him. They cannot release Saro-Wiwa now, can they ?