This government has gone berserk
By
Some say that the government of Abia State, such as it is, has either gone berserk or is in the process of doing so. The so-called "suspension" of the Deputy Governor by an assembly of doubtful relevance in such matters is yet another feather added to a rakishly won cap. I hear that sundry plans are afoot to deal with "the opposition", even as the Governor’s supporters have spoken of his loud silence. But my worry is whether the man has anything of substance to say. For those who say the Governor has problems with the Transport Minister, Chief Ojo Maduekwe, the latter has repeatedly told whoever cared to listen that he has nothing personal against Chief Orji Uzo Kalu, the Abia State Governor. Kalu himself has also never missed an opportunity to tell the public that he has nothing personal against Maduekwe.
The truth is that Maduekwe and other Abians are up in arms against the misgovernment, bad leadership and reprehensible use of state power represented by Orji Kalu. To that extent, it does not matter to who is at the Abia State House as Governor. It matters to them that the resources of the State are not misapplied and that the State and its people are not brought into disrepute. For them, a bad government is like the vector or carrier of a disease. The only way to deal with the disease is to deal with the vector. It is from this standpoint that the "shelltox theory" of Abia opposition emerged.
In substance, the theory goes like this: The person who does not want malaria must ensure that malaria parasites do not get into his system. The way to avoid this is to prevent the mosquito from biting you, because it is the mosquito that injects the plasmodium parasite into the human blood stream. So, any sworn enemy of malaria is unavoidably committed to a war against mosquitoes. From this analysis, the opposition in Abia is seen by objective observers as using political "insecticide" to flush out the "mosquito" that has taken violent possession of Abia State Government House; causing fever, anemia and general debility.
So Ojo, as an anti-malaria crusader, does not hate the mosquito. In fact if all the chicken in the State were to suddenly be found to carry the malaria parasite, the Minister will turn the barrel of his war tank in their general direction. But the job of the opposition in Abia State goes beyond that. They have the twin problems of dealing with the malaria vector as well as treating the malaria fever that has already gripped the institutions of State. Weighted down by debt and scandalised by fantastic tales about arbitrary governance, Abia State is anemic and facing a pathological condition that is dangerously far from good health. To cut down on the spread of the ailment, the first step is to eliminate or neutralise the vector.
But killing the mosquito does not save a doctor the troubles of treating those who already have malaria. Every case of malaria must take its course, but it must be contained and cured, not allowed to kill the victim. That is why the "opposition" in Abia is committed to a new political culture that would restore the Abia Charter of Equity, which encapsulates the original dreams of the founding fathers of the State; and which it says has been brazenly violated by the Governor.
We can, in fact, go much further back to show that the many Igbos remained consistent in their aversion for Orji Kalu’s brand of politicking. "Orji Kalu and the Igbo interest" which was published six months ago in over six newspapers predicted everything Orji is doing now. Some of us were dismayed by Orji’s handling of the Sharia killing of Igbos much earlier in the year. Our worst fears were confirmed when, after threatening fire and brimstone in the newspapers, the Governor hurried off to Sokoto to cut a political deal for himself. That is why people like Ojo never relented in warning the people about the Governor’s insincerity.
Also, when the anti-Obasanjo crusade of Orji Kalu began, Ojo was quick to observe that Orji was trying to raise his political rating by making a nuisance of himself. Without denying some of the issues raised by the Governor, the Minister maintained that the approach was wrong and that the motive was suspect. His clincher was: "If it is the Orji Kalu I know, I can bet my life that he will bid his time and then try to jump unto the front wagon in a future campaign for Obasanjo".
Maduekwe, who fought on the Biafran side and who taught the ideology of the war to young Biafran officers in training during the civil war was irritated by the fact that the legitimate grievances of his people were being whipped up for other purposes. Today events have come full circle and the Minister is vindicated. The Igbo predicament Orji was talking about is real. The impression that he was motivated by love for Ndigbo is not.
The head of Ojo Maduekwe was available for everyone who cared to give a knock and get away with it. Every puny character felt qualified to stand on tiptoe to rebuke Ojo Maduekwe for warning his people to adopt a viable approach in the quest to have an Igbo as President of the Federal Republic. All he said was: "Awo got all the Yoruba votes but was never President. Same for Zik who got all the Igbo votes. The chances are even slimmer now that OPC, Egbesu, Bakassi, Arewa youth, etc. indicate increasing "enclave" mentality and distrust in the polity. Cut down on the Nzogbu Nzogbu approach and spread the campaign across the country if you want the Igbo man to win. Shagari and Obasanjo did not become Presidents of the Federal Republic because they were endorsed by their people".
The Minister was taken apart in the print and electronic media. In fact one version in Abia State had it that the people in Abuja had decided to give Ndigbo the presidency, come 2003. Following the decision, President Obasanjo was said to have consulted prominent Igbo politicians and that it was during the consultations that the Transport Minister told him that Ndigbo are idiots; and that they could not produce a President. How absurd!
But Chief Maduekwe is vindicated today on many fronts. The political forces in Abia State are not reducible to individuals. A renaissance of the people’s can-do spirit is going on. Many believe they can have a better deal than they are getting at the moment and they are determined to make that happen. Recent actions of the State government show that those occupying the Abia State Government House today are hoping to make incoherent posturing a philosophy of governance.
December 2001